【明報專訊】IT HAD BEEN widely hoped that, in Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying's third policy address scheduled for publication in the wake of the Occupy movement, there would be sensible policies intended to resolve the political disagreements and lift Hong Kong out of its political impasse. However, yesterday's policy address has failed to lower political temperature. It has, instead, aroused more controversy by touching on the official magazine of the Hong Kong University Students' Union (HKUSU), one issue of which suggested that Hong Kong should find a way to "self-reliance and self-determination" and featured articles exploring the topic of Hong Kong independence.
In the Occupy movement, the central issue was the election of the Chief Executive by universal suffrage. Large numbers of young people participated in the protests, which were largely led by students. In terms of methods and strategies, they are very different from the older generation, who have also been fighting for democracy for more than 30 years. Leung failed to show that he had kept up with the times when commenting on these new circumstances through his policy address. For one thing, the policy address reiterates that the arrangements for the election of the Chief Executive by universal suffrage must be handled in accordance with the decisions and interpretations made by the National People's Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC). But the pan-democrats, who wield veto power in the Legislative Council, have declared many times that they will veto any constitutional reform proposal based on the August 31 resolution. The message of the policy address is that unless things take a dramatic turn, the constitutional reform proposal will be vetoed by the Legislative Council, and our political system will in all probability remain as it is.
The policy address mentions only briefly the relationship between young people and the Occupy movement, saying, "We fully recognise the aspirations of our young students for democracy and their concerns about political reforms." It fails to show proper regard for the new circumstances surrounding young people's fight for democracy and universal suffrage. It, instead, singles out the HKUSU's official magazine, one issue of which featured a cover story entitled "Hong Kong people deciding their own fate" and advocated that "Hong Kong should find a way to self-reliance and self-determination". The policy address claims that the magazine (which is named Undergrad) and other students, including student leaders of the Occupy movement, "have misstated some facts" and that "we must stay alert". The Occupy movement ended just recently, so it has surprised many people that Leung should touch on the sensitive issue of "Hong Kong independence" in his policy address.
Over the past two years, amid the controversy over constitutional reform, China's official news agencies, former officials of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office, and mainland experts and scholars have often in their media coverage or analyses sought to link the Occupy movement and some social phenomena with "separation", "division" and even attempts to gain independence. Indeed, the Undergrad essays that Leung commented on yesterday had been mentioned by Hong Kong's pro-Beijing newspapers before. But the SAR government in the past never referred to terms like "separation" or "Hong Kong independence" when commenting on constitutional reform or the Occupy movement. Leung's break with this tradition may be interpreted as an attempt to clarify the constitutional relationship between China and Hong Kong "so that the discussion on constitutional development would not be fruitless". True, in the discussion about constitutional reform, there have been views that show a disregard for the related regulations in the Basic Law or the decisions (or interpretations) made by the NPCSC, one example being the demand for popular nomination. However, what Leung said has the effect of accusing the HKUSU's official magazine and other students of inclining towards or promoting Hong Kong independence. His comments have complicated matters.
明報社評2015.01.15﹕佔領後未見緩解方針 港獨議題對峙更繃緊
特首梁振英第三份《施政報告》，在「後佔領」時期頒布，許多人都期望會有善法良方，尋求破解政治爭議與管治困局。不過，昨日的施政報告並未為政治熱度降溫，反而就港大學生會刊物提出主張香港「自立自決」和討論港獨的文章引發議論。
佔領運動核心議題是特首普選，而運動有大量年輕人參與，學生基本上主導了運動，他們的做法和手段與過去30多年爭取民主的一代十分不同。梁振英透過施政報告回應新形勢，未見有隨時勢不同而調整。首先，施政報告重申2017年特首普選安排，須按全國人大常委會的決定和相關解釋處理，而在立法會擁有否決權的泛民議員，一再聲稱政改方案若按8．31決定的框架設計，他們將會否決。因此，施政報告釋出的信息，實際上就是除非未來有戲劇性變化，否則政改方案將在立法會被否決，政制原地踏步的可能性很大。
施政報告就青年人與佔領運動的關係，僅以「青年學生嚮往民主，關心政制發展，值得肯定」，輕輕帶過。施政報告未正視青年人爭取民主普選的新形勢，卻提出港大學生會官方刊物有關「香港民族 命運自決」、「主張香港『尋找一條自立自決的出路』」等論調，又說「對《學苑》和其他學生，包括佔中的學生領袖的錯誤主張，我們不能不警惕」，云云。佔領運動結束不久，梁振英在施政報告碰觸「港獨」這個敏感議題，出乎很多人意料。
過去兩年圍繞政改的爭議，內地官方媒體、前度港澳辦官員、專家學者等，在報道或討論佔領和一些現象，許多時候的描述都聯繫到分離、分裂甚至走向港獨等；梁振英提及的學苑文章，本港親北京報章也曾提及。儘管如此，特區政府一貫談及政改和佔領諸般事態，並無觸及什麼分裂、港獨情事。梁振英在施政報告提出此事，或許目的在講清楚國家與香港之間的憲制關係，「使政制發展的討論，不致緣木求魚」。在政改討論中，確有不理會《基本法》相關規定與全國人大常委會的決定和解釋的情况，例如要求公民提名，就是一例。不過，梁振英此語一出，客觀效果是指港大學生會的刊物和其他學生涉及趨向港獨甚或鼓吹港獨。事態就顯得十分嚴重了。
■Glossary
impasse﹕a situation in which it is impossible to continue with a discussion or plan because the people involved cannot agree
keep up with the times﹕to change when other things in society, business etc change
2015年1月16日星期五
2015年1月14日星期三
Rule of law emerges unharmed from a challenge year
2015年1月14日
【明報專訊】THE YEAR JUST PAST saw the rule of law - the cornerstone of Hong Kong's stability and prosperity - caught up in the tumultuous political strife of the Occupy movement. What happened during the movement shows all the more clearly how important it is to maintain the rule of law and judicial independence.cornerstone: /ˈkɔː.nə.stəʊn/
tumultuous /tjuːˈmʌl.tjʊəs/:very loud, or full of confusion, change or uncertainty
strife /straɪf/ violent or angry disagreement
At the opening of the new legal year yesterday, Chief Justice Geoffrey Ma Tao-li, Secretary for Justice Rimsky Yuen Kwok-keung, and Bar Association chairman Paul Shieh Wing-tai all talked about the Occupy movement and its impact on the rule of law. As Chief Justice, Ma passed no judgment on the legality of the movement. He referred to the various injunction proceedings, stressing that the court made its decisions strictly according to the law, and the detailed, reasoned judgments were open to public scrutiny. He said the rule of law has once again proved to be central to the well-being of our society.
Geoffrey(jack free)
Yuen said the rule of law is the bedrock of democracy and universal suffrage, and constitutional reform or universal suffrage without the rule of law is like a house without foundations. Speaking of those who suggest that there are different levels to the concept of the rule of law, and that obeying the law is the lowest level, Yuen said the law remains the law, and is there to be obeyed. If one does not even respect the fundamental requirement of the rule of law, how can one escalate oneself to the higher levels?
bedrock:/ˈbed.rɒk/ the main principles on which something is based
Shieh's interpretation of the rule of law is different from Yuen's. He said the rule of law does not mean blind adherence to laws, but should mean respect for an independent judiciary, the need to ensure the existence of laws that protect human rights, and respect for the rights and liberty of the individual when law enforcers exercise their discretionary powers. He also said the indiscriminate use of the phrase "rule of law" could confer undeserved moral respectability on a "rule by law" or "rule by man" regime.
blind /blaɪnd/
judiciary/dʒuːˈdɪʃ.ər.i/
liberty/ˈlɪb.ə.ti/
confer/kənˈfɜːr/ to exchange ideas on a particular subject, often in order to reach a decision on what action to take
While Ma did not criticise the Occupy movement, he was evidently not happy that the court's injunctions were challenged. "The recent injunctions granted by the court," he said mildly but resoundingly, "were expected by the community to be complied with."
resoundingly/rɪˈzaʊn.dɪŋ/ : loud
Shieh's official position was such that he could speak more openly about the Occupy movement - and his comments were very pointed. Referring to those who in word or in deed overstepped legitimate limits during the Occupy movement, he said, "Regrettably, many influential figures have distorted or even denied such limits." He especially criticised those who claim that disobeying civil court injunctions will not adversely affect the rule of law, and that the rule of law is a concept which only constrains the government, and can never be harmed by citizens' conduct. Shieh's comments are fair and reflect the general opinion of society.
A pointed remark, question, or manner is intended as a criticism of the person it is directed to:
in deed an intentional act
Those in the legal profession who took part in the Occupy movement deliberately distorted the real meaning of the rule of law for political reasons. This was one of the regrettable aspects of the Occupy movement.
明報社評2015.01.13﹕法治歷經不尋常一年 基石受衝擊屹立不倒
剛過去的一年，本港穩定繁榮的基石——法治，因為佔領行動而陷入政治鬥爭漩渦。佔領行動一役，更突顯維護法治與司法獨立的重要。
昨日新法律年度開啟典禮，終審法院首席法官馬道立、律政司長袁國強與大律師公會主席石永泰分別致辭，其中內容都談到佔領行動與法治的關係。馬道立身為大法官，就佔領行動違法與否，並未定性；他強調法院在涉及佔領的幾宗禁制令訴訟，都是依據法律和程序進行，法官嚴格遵照法律斷案，詳列理由的判決書公開讓公衆查閱。他也認為，這是再次體現法治在香港社會的核心地位。
袁國強說法治是民主與普選的基石，認為沒有法治，政改或普選將猶如欠缺地基的樓房。他指出有人提到法治概念分不同層次，守法只是最低層次，但是袁國強批評這個說法，認為法律始終是法律，理應遵守；若法治概念中最基本的守法要求也不尊重，談何踏上法治的更高階梯？
石永泰解讀法治，與袁國強不同。石永泰認為法治不僅僅是盲目地「守法」，而是包括尊重獨立的司法機構，法律條文也必須對人權有所保障，執法者在行使法律賦予的酌情權時必須尊重個人的權利和自由等。他認為隨意亂用「法治」一詞，往往會不慎為一些「以法管治」或「人治」的政權錯誤鍍金，給他們加上名不符實的道德冠冕。
馬道立雖未批判佔領行動，但是對法庭頒布的禁制令受到挑戰，顯露不滿。他說「由法院頒下的判決和命令，理應獲得尊重和遵行」。馬道立的說法，即使較溫婉，仍然可收擲地有聲之效。
石永泰的身分較少包袱，對佔領行動的批評顯得劍及履及。他對一些人在佔領行動的言行，超出了可接受的限制，認為「遺憾地，很多具影響力的名人卻試圖扭曲甚至否定這些限制」。他特別指出，有人聲稱民事法庭頒布的禁制令，不服從也不算損害法治；辯稱法治概念只用於約束當權者，公民做任何事都不可能對法治有負面影響，云云。石永泰的這些描述，已屬公論。
涉及佔領行動的法律界人士，因為有政治考量，扭曲法治的真義。這是今次佔領行動的敗筆之一。
■Glossary
adherence﹕the act of behaving according to a particular rule or belief, or supporting a particular idea, even in difficult situations
resounding﹕leaving no doubt; very definite
2015年1月13日星期二
Fate of erozone
2015年1月13日
【明報專訊】GREECE, the epicentre of the debt crisis Europe saw three years ago, has again drawn European and global attention. Because the parties having seats in its legislature have failed to elect a president, its government must go to the country. The results of the general election will come out on January 25. However, because the Greek legislature has had difficulty electing a president, the jitters have plunged the euro to a nine-year low. Syriza, which advocates lifting austerity measures, has done quite well in opinion polls. The Europeans have come to be worried that, if Syriza comes to power, Greece may abandon its austerity measures and eventually leave the eurozone. When the first domino topples, the "great Europe" dream will fall through, and a grave economic crisis will come.It must be pointed out that it rests with the Greek people to determine their country's fate. How Greece may fare is in their hands. Greece's departure from the eurozone may not matter much because the country accounts only for a mere 2% of its total GDP. However, it may bring about a chain effect. That is a real economic worry of Europe and the world, for, if a precedent is set, Portugal, whose economy was in difficulty like Greece's, may follow suit. What may become of Spain and Italy then is the key issue. Of the four European "economic invalids", Italy, a member of the Group of 7, is the weightiest. And Spain is not to be made light of. Both have been reported to intend to leave the eurozone. In such an event, the eurozone will exist in name only.
It concerns not just one country or region for a major currency zone to collapse. Money flowing in it, the world is in trouble when the eurozone is in trouble. In analysts' eyes, Greece's departure from the eurozone is already "inevitable". Therefore, Germany, a leading member of the eurozone, has been making adequate preparations. In particular, it has given it out that it can absorb the blow. Even so, Germany must adapt itself. The reason is that, if Greece leaves the eurozone, the economic losses the German taxpayer alone will sustain may amount to 80 billion euros. The "big Europe" dream the country has been trying to build up over the years will receive a severe blow and may even collapse.
According to the above, a crisis may arise not so much because the "economic Europe" may receive a blow as because the future of the "political Europe" may be clouded. The "political Europe" has come of the currents of the 1960s, when West European countries sought to rely on themselves instead of the US. Because of the reunification of West Germany and East Germany in 1990, the "political Europe" has had higher expectations of itself. The episode culminated in the establishment of the eurozone. However, as they have different aims, eurozone members are strange bedfellows. Disparities in national strength and progress have led to other problems. It is mainly Germany that has maintained the whole situation.
One may say this year is crucial to Europe. Not only may it see the eurozone disintegrate, but it will also see general elections in many European countries, including the UK, Spain, Portugal, Finland and Denmark. Eurozone membership will figure prominently in those elections. In particular, David Cameron, prime minister of the UK, the bellwether, has said the country should consider leaving the European Union. That may deal a severe blow to European stability. Europe is not exactly in the midst of a raging storm. However, that it is in deep trouble is beyond dispute.
明報社評2015.01.12﹕希臘政局衝擊歐元區 歐洲夢將醒牽動全球
3年前歐債危機主角希臘再次成為歐洲及全球焦點，由於議會內各黨派無法選出總統，需要解散議會舉行大選，本月25號將有分曉。不過，此前由於議會選舉總統難產，令到歐元飽吃驚風散，直線下挫，見9年新低，如今力主撤銷緊縮政策的「激進左翼聯盟」（Syriza）在民意調查被看好，歐洲開始憂心，一旦Syriza上台，有可能會放棄緊縮政策，最終脫離歐元區，推翻第一隻骨牌，大歐洲夢漸次幻滅，引發巨大經濟危機。
必須指出，希臘未來如何，是希臘人民的決定；是吉是凶，皆在於自己之手。然而，西方尤其是歐盟擔心的是，希臘一旦退出歐元區，儘管影響不會太大，因為希臘經濟規模只佔歐元區的2%，但由此引發的連鎖效應，才是歐洲以及世界經濟的憂慮。因為此例一開，當年與希臘同屬經濟陷於困境的葡萄牙，有可能亦步亦趨；而之後的西班牙及意大利何去何從，始是重點。論經濟規模，這4個歐洲「經濟病友」，當以名列西方七大工業國之一的意大利體型最龐大，西班牙亦不可小覷，兩國都曾經傳出有意退出歐元區，若然局勢發展至此，歐元區名存實亡。
當全球的主要貨幣區崩解，不僅是一個地區一個國家的事，在今天資金流動的世界，歐元區出事就等於全球出事。希臘退出歐元區，在分析家眼中已是「很難避免」的事，因此歐元區大國的德國正做足鋪墊，包括放出風聲稱「可以承受」衝擊。即便如此，德國也須自我調適，因為希臘退出歐元區，單是德國納稅人便要承受800億歐元的經濟損失，而其多年以來一直建構的大歐洲夢想，更會遭到極大打擊，甚至可能分崩離析。
依前所述，危機不全在於「經濟歐洲」的受到衝擊，更是「政治歐洲」的未來陰霾重重。政治歐洲是1960年代出現的西歐脫離美國自立的大潮，1990年代初，西德東德合併，帶來更大的政治歐洲自我期許，以歐元區的成立為最高峰。不過，畢竟各國各有打算，同牀異夢者眾，國力不同、發展差異也帶來另一種煩惱，全靠德國頂住大局。
今年對歐洲來說，堪稱是關鍵的一年，除了歐元區是合是分，還有不少國家將會舉行大選，包括英國、西班牙、葡萄牙、芬蘭及丹麥。初步觀察，歐洲將這選戰的重要議題，尤其是領頭羊的英國，首相卡梅倫表示考慮退出歐盟，構成另一股對歐洲穩定的衝擊力量。此刻的歐洲雖未至於風雨飄搖，但煩惱滿身則是不爭事實。
■Glossary
go to the country﹕hold an election to choose a new parliament
invalid﹕person enfeebled or disabled by illness or injury
bellwether﹕one that takes the lead or initiative
2015年1月12日星期一
Let's be pragmatic about 2017 poll
PUBLISHED : Thursday, 08 January, 2015, 6:50am
UPDATED : Thursday, 08 January, 2015, 10:04am
Let's be pragmatic about 2017 poll
Hong Kong's quest for democracy has been tougher than expected, as evidenced by the Occupy protests over the past months. Chief Secretary Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor yesterday made no bones about the daunting challenges ahead as she launched the second round of consultation on political reform. Far from a straight thoroughfare ahead, our road to universal suffrage looks more bumpy and the goalpost increasingly remote.
That should not stop us from moving forward, though. The public is glad that law and order has been largely restored. It is time we moved out of the shadow of the Occupy protests and discuss the detailed electoral arrangements in a rational manner.
That the consultation paper contains few surprises is to be expected. The task force on constitutional reform has no choice but to adhere to the tight framework imposed by the state legislature in August. The 79-day street blockades not only divided the city more than ever, they also dashed hopes of Beijing offering any compromise.
But it is still up to Hong Kong to make full use of the room available and try to hammer out a reform package that is legally and politically acceptable. The issues mapped out in the 68-page document offer some useful guidance. They include the formation of the committee to nominate the chief executive candidates; the thresholds for hopefuls to come forward and to become formal candidates; and the polling methods for voters. They are crucial to the successful implementation of the one person, one vote formula under the Basic Law.
Worryingly, pan-democrat lawmakers still adhere to a confrontational approach and have vowed to veto proposals that strictly follow Beijing's framework. While their stance may still appeal to certain quarters in society, public sentiment is ever-changing. If recent opinion surveys are any reference, support for confrontational tactics has been waning.
The room to manoeuvre may not be large. But Lam is right in saying that confrontation only reduces the options. The choice is clear: give everyone a vote in the chief executive race rather than settle for the status quo. It is incumbent upon us to make the most of the opportunities within the rules given and come up with a package that stands a good chance of approval. With pragmatism and compromise, one person, one vote in 2017 can be achieved.
Shinzo Abe must face up to history
Shinzo Abe
Shinzo Abe is president of the Liberal Democratic Party and was elected prime minister of Japan in December 2012. He also served as prime minister in 2006 after being elected by a special session of Japan’s National Diet, but resigned after less than a year.
PUBLISHED : Sunday, 11 January, 2015, 7:29am
UPDATED : Sunday, 11 January, 2015, 3:54pm
There has been concern that Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe would use the commemorations to further a right-wing agenda.
Time is said to heal all wounds, but the scars of Japan's wartime atrocities in Asia are still obvious in China and the Korean peninsula as the region prepares to mark the 70th anniversary of the end of the second world war. Although the nations have solid trade and tourism ties with their former colonial aggressor, diplomatic relations remain poor, soured by territorial disputes and rising nationalism. Commemorations are times for reflection and there has been concern that Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe would use the occasion to further a right-wing agenda. His announcement that he plans to issue a special statement that would include an expression of remorse has caused as much hope as worry.
Abe did not make clear what the statement, to be issued on August 15, the day of Japan's surrender, would contain. What it says will be scrutinised by governments the world over, but especially so by Beijing and Seoul. They will expect it to go further than those given by previous leaders, viewed as being insufficiently repentant. If it is as deeply apologetic as is hoped, there is every chance that relations can be rebuilt.
But historical revisionism is growing in Japan. Abe caused outrage when he and lawmakers visited the Yasukuni shrine honouring convicted war criminals in 2013, and there is no certainty that they will stay away at so sensitive a time. Measures to reinterpret the pacifist constitution are under way.
Former prime minister Tomiichi Murayama acknowledged in marking the 50th anniversary of the war in 1995 that Japanese colonial rule and aggression had caused "tremendous damage and suffering" and expressed "deep remorse" and "heartfelt apology". Through such statements and billions of dollars of development aid given to Asia, some Japanese believe there has been enough contrition and it is time to move on. But as much as that may be wished for, it is not possible while those who suffered do not feel Japan has sufficiently faced up to its past.
The statement will be an opportunity for Abe to reach out and end animosity. In the months leading up to the anniversary, he should begin smoothing ties by ensuring he and his ministers are more careful about what they say and do; actions speak louder than words, after all. But the commemoration also offers a chance for Japanese to debate their wartime conduct. Japan has a proud post-war record of being a peace-loving nation and only by ensuring that lessons are learned from past mistakes can that be maintained.
Tax rise will help kick the smoking habit
PUBLISHED : Monday, 12 January, 2015, 6:59am
UPDATED : Monday, 12 January, 2015, 10:07am
A proven fact is that higher cigarette tax rates mean fewer smokers. There is no better way to force people to kick the habit, deter the young and protect against secondhand smoke. It is in the interests of public health. Finance Secretary John Tsang Chun-wah's upcoming budget should feature implementation of a significant increase in the tobacco levy.
Deter/dɪˈtɜːr/: to prevent from doing something or to make someone lessenthusiastic about doing something by making it difficult for them to do it or by threatening bad results if they do it
levy: /ˈlev.i/ an amount of money, such as a tax, that you have to pay to agovernment or organization
There have only been two sizeable rises in the tax since 1999, despite frequent World Health Organisation recommendations. The current rate on a pack of cigarettes is 69 per cent, one of the highest globally. Yet a recent survey by the Council on Smoking and Health and the University of Hong Kong found that the majority of people would like the levels to be even higher. On average, they believed the cost per pack should be raised from the present HK$55 to HK$106, but surprisingly, the 800 smokers questioned thought it should be even higher, at HK$171.
The council's analysis determines that doubling the tax would cut the smoking rate over one to two years from 10.7 per cent of people above the age of 15 - about 650,000 - to between 9.5 and 9.9 per cent. Those are already outstanding figures by international standards, but the dangers of smoking mean that we should always be striving for improvement. Looking to taxes is by far the most effective strategy, especially towards young people: it makes the habit unaffordable.
Higher taxes are objected to by the tobacco industry, which claims each rise leads to greater levels of cigarette smuggling. Most black market activity involves the mainland, where a smoking culture means it has some of the world's highest per capita rates. It is undeniable that price rises prompt some people to turn to illegal sources, but that should not be a cause to reject the idea. Better law enforcement is the solution.
Taxes alone do not deter or prevent smoking. Education also has an important role. Schools, health professionals and the anti-smoking lobby have to lift efforts. But in the short to medium term, big price hikes will have the greatest impact.
Who has the last word on hk affairs?
【明報專訊】AT a seminar held in Beijing, Chen Zuo'er, chairman of the National Association of Study on Hong Kong and Macau, said that, since the establishment of the Hong Kong SAR, a considerable portion of young people had been lacking in national and civic awareness, which showed there were problems with Hong Kong's education front.
Front: a particular area of activity
Front: a particular area of activity
Example: There are problems in the environmental front as there are many pollution in Hong Kong.
The association has pinpointed Hong Kong's young people and its education system as the main problems exposed by the Occupy movement. Such findings display to a large extent the association's good grasp of the root cause of the Occupy movement, though it has omitted to mention it was triggered by the controversy over constitutional reform. In the wake of the Occupy movement, it is reasonable to think that young people, given what they did during the protests, do not know our country enough or understand the Basic Law correctly and suggest that more should be done to educate them (e.g. by promoting national education, enhancing their knowledge of and sense of belonging to our country, promoting a correct understanding of the Basic Law and even stepping up decolonisation education), though it is another matter whether such measures are the right or efficacious cures.
pinpointed: to discover or describe the exact facts about something
But at the seminar, Chen lashed out at education in Hong Kong and asked a string of rhetorical questions: Were the country's sovereignty, security and development interests taken into account in developing curricula and making policies of school administration? Why did chaos reign in Hong Kong's education front during the Occupy protests, which were illegal? Why are young people, who merely began learning to talk when Hong Kong reverted to Chinese sovereignty, are at the forefront of the storming of the Legco Complex and the government headquarters? Chen went on to suggest, "Does this not have to do with the incompatibility between the authorities' ideas of education and the constitution of China, the 'one country, two systems' policy and the Basic Law, all of which have been brought into force?" By answering the questions he himself had asked, Chen showed he had already formed his own opinion.
lashed out: /læʃ/ to suddenly criticise them in an angry way
reign: /reɪn/to be the main feeling or quality in a situation or person
Chen's comments on Hong Kong's Secretary for Education and the problems with Hong Kong's education system point to a question: Who has the last word on Hong Kong affairs? Deng Xiaoping was perfectly aware that the bureaucracy on the mainland was such that mainland officials would never hesitate to wield and manipulate power. He knew that if every leader directly gave Hong Kong his instructions, views or ideas on Hong Kong affairs, it would not know whom to listen to. Hence Deng made it clear who had the last word on Hong Kong affairs. Given recent developments and especially what happened in relation to the Occupy movement, Deng's clear-cut rule once again demonstrates his great foresight and profound wisdom in dealing with the question of Hong Kong.
wield and manipulate power /wiːld/ to have a lot of influence or power over other people
There is now a need to examine whether the central government should restore the "who has the last word" mechanism regarding its handling of Hong Kong affairs. Take Chen's public comments on Hong Kong's Secretary for Education and the problems with its education system. If another mainland official comments on another principal Hong Kong official regarding Hong Kong affairs, what should he, the Chief Executive and the SAR government do? Should they take his comments seriously or ignore them? An outsider may think they will feel perplexed.
perplexed/pəˈpleks/ to confuse and worry someone slightly by being difficult tounderstand or solve
明報社評2015.01.09﹕香港事務誰說了算 應研議是否再界定
全國港澳研究會會長陳佐洱在北京舉行的一個研討會上發言時，認為香港特區成立以來，有相當一部分青年的國家公民意識存在很大缺失，說明香港教育領域存在不少問題，云云。
全國港澳研究會把佔領行動折射出來的情况，歸結為青年和教育兩項問題，在迴避政改爭議觸發佔領行動的前提下，這兩個歸結算是掌握了整個運動的核心。本來，對年輕人在運動的表現，認為他們不認識國家、對《基本法》缺乏正確了解，提議在教育方面多做工夫，包括推廣國民教育，加強年輕人對國家民族的認識和認同，正確認識基本法，甚至建議加強去殖民化教育等，先不論是否對症下藥和能否奏效，作為應對「後佔領」的一些手段，都可以理解。
不過，陳佐洱在研討會上猛批香港教育問題，他以反問方式說，在制訂課程設計、學校管理政策時，是否有考慮國家主權、安全、發展利益的利弊得失；為何非法佔中時，香港教育領域亂象叢生；為何香港回歸時才哇哇學語的娃娃，現在有人成為衝擊立法會及政府總部的排頭兵。陳佐洱接着說，「這是不是與當局秉持的教育理念與貫徹實施的中國憲法、一國兩制方針及基本法有不銜接的地方」。陳佐洱自問自答，在他心目中，實際上早有定見。
陳佐洱點評香港教育問題和教育局長，折射出一個問題，就是關於香港事務究竟誰說了算？當年，鄧小平深知內地官僚體制，不會吝於用權弄權，有關香港事務，若各個領導人都有指示、提意見、有說法，並直接給香港表達或提出，香港就不知道該聽誰的。鄧小平曾經清晰指定香港事務「誰說了算」；近年、特別是近期環繞政改爭議等事態發展，鄧小平「誰說了算」的一刀切規定，再顯示他在香港問題上的高瞻遠矚大智慧。
今時今日，中央處理香港事務，有需要重新研議是否恢復「誰說了算」機制。以陳佐洱在公開場合點評香港教育問題和教育局長為例，若其他相關人等就香港事務點評其他主要官員，則特首、特區政府和相關局長應該怎樣體待？當一回事抑或毋須理會？從局外人看來他們會感受到困擾。
■Glossary
efficacious﹕producing or sure to produce the desire effect
lash﹕criticise in an angry way
perplexed﹕confused and anxious because you are unable to understand something
The association has pinpointed Hong Kong's young people and its education system as the main problems exposed by the Occupy movement. Such findings display to a large extent the association's good grasp of the root cause of the Occupy movement, though it has omitted to mention it was triggered by the controversy over constitutional reform. In the wake of the Occupy movement, it is reasonable to think that young people, given what they did during the protests, do not know our country enough or understand the Basic Law correctly and suggest that more should be done to educate them (e.g. by promoting national education, enhancing their knowledge of and sense of belonging to our country, promoting a correct understanding of the Basic Law and even stepping up decolonisation education), though it is another matter whether such measures are the right or efficacious cures.
pinpointed: to discover or describe the exact facts about something
But at the seminar, Chen lashed out at education in Hong Kong and asked a string of rhetorical questions: Were the country's sovereignty, security and development interests taken into account in developing curricula and making policies of school administration? Why did chaos reign in Hong Kong's education front during the Occupy protests, which were illegal? Why are young people, who merely began learning to talk when Hong Kong reverted to Chinese sovereignty, are at the forefront of the storming of the Legco Complex and the government headquarters? Chen went on to suggest, "Does this not have to do with the incompatibility between the authorities' ideas of education and the constitution of China, the 'one country, two systems' policy and the Basic Law, all of which have been brought into force?" By answering the questions he himself had asked, Chen showed he had already formed his own opinion.
lashed out: /læʃ/ to suddenly criticise them in an angry way
reign: /reɪn/to be the main feeling or quality in a situation or person
Chen's comments on Hong Kong's Secretary for Education and the problems with Hong Kong's education system point to a question: Who has the last word on Hong Kong affairs? Deng Xiaoping was perfectly aware that the bureaucracy on the mainland was such that mainland officials would never hesitate to wield and manipulate power. He knew that if every leader directly gave Hong Kong his instructions, views or ideas on Hong Kong affairs, it would not know whom to listen to. Hence Deng made it clear who had the last word on Hong Kong affairs. Given recent developments and especially what happened in relation to the Occupy movement, Deng's clear-cut rule once again demonstrates his great foresight and profound wisdom in dealing with the question of Hong Kong.
wield and manipulate power /wiːld/ to have a lot of influence or power over other people
There is now a need to examine whether the central government should restore the "who has the last word" mechanism regarding its handling of Hong Kong affairs. Take Chen's public comments on Hong Kong's Secretary for Education and the problems with its education system. If another mainland official comments on another principal Hong Kong official regarding Hong Kong affairs, what should he, the Chief Executive and the SAR government do? Should they take his comments seriously or ignore them? An outsider may think they will feel perplexed.
perplexed/pəˈpleks/ to confuse and worry someone slightly by being difficult tounderstand or solve
明報社評2015.01.09﹕香港事務誰說了算 應研議是否再界定
全國港澳研究會會長陳佐洱在北京舉行的一個研討會上發言時，認為香港特區成立以來，有相當一部分青年的國家公民意識存在很大缺失，說明香港教育領域存在不少問題，云云。
全國港澳研究會把佔領行動折射出來的情况，歸結為青年和教育兩項問題，在迴避政改爭議觸發佔領行動的前提下，這兩個歸結算是掌握了整個運動的核心。本來，對年輕人在運動的表現，認為他們不認識國家、對《基本法》缺乏正確了解，提議在教育方面多做工夫，包括推廣國民教育，加強年輕人對國家民族的認識和認同，正確認識基本法，甚至建議加強去殖民化教育等，先不論是否對症下藥和能否奏效，作為應對「後佔領」的一些手段，都可以理解。
不過，陳佐洱在研討會上猛批香港教育問題，他以反問方式說，在制訂課程設計、學校管理政策時，是否有考慮國家主權、安全、發展利益的利弊得失；為何非法佔中時，香港教育領域亂象叢生；為何香港回歸時才哇哇學語的娃娃，現在有人成為衝擊立法會及政府總部的排頭兵。陳佐洱接着說，「這是不是與當局秉持的教育理念與貫徹實施的中國憲法、一國兩制方針及基本法有不銜接的地方」。陳佐洱自問自答，在他心目中，實際上早有定見。
陳佐洱點評香港教育問題和教育局長，折射出一個問題，就是關於香港事務究竟誰說了算？當年，鄧小平深知內地官僚體制，不會吝於用權弄權，有關香港事務，若各個領導人都有指示、提意見、有說法，並直接給香港表達或提出，香港就不知道該聽誰的。鄧小平曾經清晰指定香港事務「誰說了算」；近年、特別是近期環繞政改爭議等事態發展，鄧小平「誰說了算」的一刀切規定，再顯示他在香港問題上的高瞻遠矚大智慧。
今時今日，中央處理香港事務，有需要重新研議是否恢復「誰說了算」機制。以陳佐洱在公開場合點評香港教育問題和教育局長為例，若其他相關人等就香港事務點評其他主要官員，則特首、特區政府和相關局長應該怎樣體待？當一回事抑或毋須理會？從局外人看來他們會感受到困擾。
■Glossary
efficacious﹕producing or sure to produce the desire effect
lash﹕criticise in an angry way
perplexed﹕confused and anxious because you are unable to understand something
2015年1月11日星期日
Parents must exercise their duty to ensure balanced life for children
PUBLISHED : Friday, 09 January, 2015, 12:29am
UPDATED : Friday, 09 January, 2015, 8:00am
A Hong Kong study on our children's fitness levels has shown them to be worryingly low. Photo: Dustin Shum
Schools have long known that a fit body means a fit mind, yet a Hong Kong study on our children's fitness levels has shown them to be worryingly low. Too many are overweight or obese, and noticeably so when compared with counterparts on the mainland, in Singapore and Europe. Researchers put it down to too much focus on studies and not enough on exercise. It is a problem that is easy enough to fix, but it is not just a job for teachers; parents have the most important role.
Parents want the best for their children. Our education system dictates that good grades are the path to the best schools, universities and jobs. With limited places, competition is fierce; after-school lessons and tuition to build portfolios and improve marks are common place. The hours spent learning a musical instrument, brushing up on weaker subjects and doing homework are at the expense of exercise.
brushing up on› to improve your knowledge of something already learned but part
That imbalance is obvious from the findings. Using World Health Organisation body mass index standards, the University of Hong Kong research of 100,000 students aged between six and 19 found that 18 per cent were overweight and a further 9 per cent obese. The figures were even worse for those aged 10, with 24 per cent overweight and 17 per cent obese. These levels were markedly higher than elsewhere. Also comparing unfavourably was the flexibility of the average Hong Kong girl and the hand-grip strength of 15-year-old boys.
Being overweight or obese can increase the risk in adult life of diabetes, heart and vascular disease and cancer. A joint government-private sector campaign, the School Physical Fitness Award Scheme, may help improve the health of young people. That may spur students to go outdoors and exercise for the recommended one hour a day. Teachers obviously have a role, setting aside enough time each week during school hours for physical fitness and well-being. But ultimately, it is parents who have most say: they need to use good sense to ensure that their children's time is reasonably balanced between schoolwork, relaxation and exercise.
Spur: to encourage an activity or developmentor make it happen faster
As Hong Kong ponders regulation on milk formula, it's important to remember breast is still best
PUBLISHED : Sunday, 11 January, 2015, 7:29am
UPDATED : Sunday, 11 January, 2015, 7:29am
For babies, breast still best formula
Manufacturers have long been capitalising on parents' concerns for their babies' well-being and flood the market with formula milk products that purportedly make infants healthier and smarter. The nutritional and health claims, many of which are dubious or misleading, are amplified by intensive television commercials. The need for regulation is obvious.
Years after the Consumer Council shone a spotlight on the matter, the government has finally launched a public consultation on a proposed regulatory regime. Belated as it is, the move is a step in the right direction.
Belated /bɪˈleɪ.tɪd/ coming later than expected
Officials must realise that they are wrestling with an industry making huge profits with questionable business strategies. If the experience of introducing a voluntary advertising code on infant milk formula is any reference, the industry was not very cooperative. The move to regulate by law will be even tougher.
Wrestle with : deal with the problem
Parents can be excused for feeling confused by the consultation, which gives the public the choice of getting tough or staying lenient towards the industry. There will be different levels of restrictions regarding nutrient and health claims, depending on the product and the target age group. For instance, the government only intends to ban nutrient-content claims - such as "good source of calcium" or "enhanced DHA" - in infant milk formula. Nutrition and health claims in products for older children may still be allowed under a so-called inclusive approach. The lack of a concrete timetable for legislation further fuels the impression that the government is yielding to industry pressure.
Lenient ›adjective /ˈliː.ni.ənt/ not as severe or strong in punishment or judgment as would be expected
It is important that officials are seen as putting the interests of parents and babies above the industry's. That involves demonstrating a strong commitment to banning misleading claims and to explain clearly the rationale behind the different arrangements. Putting the right regulations in place is only half the job; officials needs to step up promotion for breastfeeding, an alternative far better than formula milk.
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